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AN10032394-20081220-0001  
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Title
Title Decomposing association with focus in Japanese  
Kana  
Romanization  
Other Title
Title 日本語に於ける焦点連結の要因分解  
Kana ニホンゴ ニ オケル ショウテン レンケツ ノ ヨウイン ブンカイ  
Romanization Nihongo ni okeru shoten renketsu no yoin bunkai  
Creator
Name 星, 浩司  
Kana ホシ, コウジ  
Romanization Hoshi, Koji  
Affiliation  
Affiliation (Translated)  
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Place
横浜  
Publisher
Name 慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会  
Kana ケイオウ ギジュク ダイガク ヒヨシ キヨウ カンコウ イインカイ  
Romanization Keio gijuku daigaku hiyoshi kiyo kanko iinkai  
Date
Issued (from:yyyy) 2008  
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Source Title
Name 慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 言語・文化・コミュニケーション  
Name (Translated) Language, culture and communication  
Volume  
Issue 40  
Year 2008  
Month  
Start page 1  
End page 88  
ISSN
09117229  
ISBN
 
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Abstract
Following the spirit, but not the same mechanism, of Kayne's (1998, 2000) overt syntactic derivational analysis of focus-related elements such as only, also/too, and even in English, this paper explores the nature of association with focus in Japanese with special reference to the additive focus particle mo 'also' and the exclusive focus particle dake 'only.' In this paper, I will argue that, in spite of their attractiveness, at least the versions of LF focus particle movement analysis of association with focus entertained and discussed in Aoyagi (1998, 1999, 2006) are faced with theoretical/empirical problems, exploring another way of reframing Kuroda's (1965) attachment transformation analysis and spelling out an alternative analysis of association with focus in Japanese, which does not depend upon any LF-movement. More specifically, I will make the following points: (i) the additive focus particle mo 'also' can trigger both association with narrow focus and association with wide focus, and its association with focus should be best analyzed as involving overt XP movement to [Spec,FocP] via Agree between the Foc head mo and its focus associate; (ii) the exclusive focus particle dake 'only' can trigger only association with narrow focus, and its association with focus is to be analyzed as involving just Merge without any Agree operation. To the extent that this approach is on the right track, it shows that the empirical domain of association with focus in Japanese is not compatible with the GB/earlier Minimalist Program double-cycle computational system, but it can be compatible with the recent view of the single-cycle computational system in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 2001b, 2004).
 
Table of contents
1. Introduction
2. LF/Covert Movement Approach to Association with Focus in Japanese and Its Problems
2.1. Aoyagi's (1998, 1999, 2006) Theory of Association with Focus in Japanese
2.2. Theoretical/Empirical Problems
2.2.1. Downward Movement
2.2.2. Lack of Domain Extensions
3. An Alternative Approach to Association with Focus in Japanese
3.1. Some Auxiliary Theoretical Assumptions
3.2. A Single Cycle-based Theory of Association with Focus in Japanese
3.2.1. Association with Focus for the Additive Focus Particle Mo 'Also'
3.2.1.1. Assumptions on the Additive Focus Particle Mo
3.2.1.2. Overt "Focus Movement"
3.2.1.3. Focus Feature Organization and Focus Feature-Splitting Hypothesis
3.2.2. Association with Focus for the Exclusive Focus Particle Dake 'Only'
3.2.2.1. Assumptions on the Exclusive Focus Particle Dake
3.2.2.2. Overt Merge without Any Focus Feature-checking
4. Further Empirical Motivations
4.1. Obligatory Overt Movement vs. Lack Thereof
4.1.1. Scope Interpretation with Negation
4.1.2. (Lack of) Reconstruction/Connectivity Effects with Pronominal Variable Binding
4.2. The Locality Condition for Focus Feature-Splitting
4.2.1. Upper-boundedness of Wide Focus
4.2.2. Absence of Sideway Focus Shift
4.2.3. Absence of Wide Focus Reading in Dislocated DP-mo
4.2.4. Argument-Adjunct Asymmetry in Wide Focus
5. Concluding Remarks
 
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Language
英語  
Type of resource
text  
Genre
Departmental Bulletin Paper  
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Last modified date
Jun 23, 2009 09:00:00  
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Jun 23, 2009 09:00:00  
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Index
/ Public / The Hiyoshi Review / Language, culture and communication / 40 (2008)
 
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