Within the hypothesis of antisymmetry of syntax, Kayne (1994) proposes that N-final relatives be derived via leftward movement of the relative head NP/DP to [Spec,CP], followed by leftward movement of the remnant IP from a postnominal position under the D-CP complementation structure, taking up the Japanese relative as a paradigmatic case instantiating this derivation: [記号] (see also Bianchi 1999, 2000a,b). On the other hand, working under the same framework of antisymmetric syntax, Murasugi (2000a,b) arrives at a different conclusion that Japanese totally lacks relative clauses to be derived in such a way from the underlying D-CP complementation structure (see also Aoun and Li 2003). With this recent trend in mind, I will argue that the Kaynean relative head-raising analysis together with the D-CP complementation hypothesis should be maintained (at least) for N-final relatives in Japanese, critically re-examining empirical evidence discussed in Murasugi (2000a,b) and providing theoretical and empirical motivations for both the Kaynean relative head-raising and the D-CP structure in Japanese.